Isai Gyani's wisdom, Malaysia's prospertry Vs India, etc

Dear Charu,

I like Ilayaraja's music and compositions like "How
to name it ?", etc. Not all his songs are good and
many are memorable and will stand the test of time.
I wanted to write a long letter to him about his
financial mis-management and debts. One of my friend
maintains Tamil Mayyam website for Father Casper Raj
and he told me a lot about Ilayaraja.

Raja was continiously in debt for many years due to
the ostentanious life style of his family, massive
donations to temples ,etc. A gyani should be free from
hypocrisy, false prestige and debts. Alas, he is as
unwise as any normal cinemawallah. He could have sold
all his assets and cleared his debts and lived in
a flat, use a auto and still enjoy secure and decent
life. Should have controlled his family's spending
habits. I know an officer of his bank who told me
about Mrs.Raaja beging him to hold cheques to TNEB
bills and about bills owed to Nalli silks, etc.
He is under maaya even though he belives he is simple
and pious and humble. (he is a Taurus : 3rd May).
He fits my favourite kural : "Odiyum unarndum
pirarkkuraithum, thaan adangaa pedaiyin pedai ill."
suits many of us. And he abandoned Father Raj and
Tamil Mayyam with debts of Rs.60 lacs after
Thiruvasagam release. A genius and a vain fool, he is.
Yet i admire him for his music....

You had compared Malaysia's prosperity with India's
poverty. Yes, but in 1950, Malaysia, Singapore,
Taiwan, S.Korea,and Japan were much worser off than
India, due to devastation in World War 2. But after
independence, they did not have the benefit of
Nehruvian Socialism as India had, but followed
free market capitalism. Their economiies boomed and
poverty was reduced greatly while we did the opposite
and perpetuated poverty and hunger. more about this
later...

Economics is the basic issue as, everyone of us are
affected due to shrinking income, lack of cash and
decent livelihoods. And i apprecite your deep anguish
about the plight of the poor and helpless. the this
poverty and corruption are only symptoms and we have
to understand the casues. the kural "noi naadi, noi
mudal naadi..." can be invoke here. defict financing,
high tax regime, license, permit raj can only increase
poverty and corruption. and even worse is the
degradation of our moral and ethics due to ill effects
of socialism. Work ethics has eroded, esp in the
organised (and govt) sector, while oc mentality has
been perpetuated thru freebies. For e.g the govt loose
Rs.200 per cylinder of LPG gas, while consumers like
you and I can easily bear the real price. Rs.8000
crores per year is wasted on this alone while more
hosiptals, schools and roads could have been built
with this money. Haj susidy costs some 250 crores per
year which is neither secular nor wise. all this is
the tip of the iceberg. more later.

see you next friday.

Anbudan
Athiyaman

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India, that was Bharath

A hypothetical question :

If there were no foreign or
alien invasions and empires
in India (incl Alexander)
and esp the Muslim and Bristish
invasions , would India be
a political union as formed
in 1947 ?

My view is that we would have
become a cluster of nations
like Africa or Europe with
a common culture and heritage
but no political union.

even in 1947, with mass movements
of Congress and awareness of
people, Sardar Patel had a very
tough time in integrating the
reluctunt and rebellioous Princes
and Maharajas with India (or Pak).
Nawab of Hyderabad and Junagedh ;
and Travancore Maharaja with
C.P.Ramasamy Iyer's help
declared independence.....

It is inconceivable that these
warring states (like Chola, Cheras)
would have willingly united to
form unified India.

the British Raj created some very
useful and fruitful institutions
as a side effect. English language,
common civil service, Railways,
Macaluay system of education and
independent judiciary ; and the
rudiments of paliament. We use
the Westminister model of parliamentary
democracy with universal adult
franchise.

the Bristish empire was bad and
exploitative no douubt. But it
gave us political unity like
never before....

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Kashmir: A View from India (by Tavleen Singh)

Kashmir: A View from India
by Tavleen Singh

There was a sideshow at the Agra Summit that told its
own story about Kashmir. In the lobby of the Moghul
Sheraton Hotel journalists from both countries
gathered from dawn to dusk awaiting news from the
summiteers who met not just in another hotel but
behind doors so completely closed that even titbits of
news were hard to come by. With so much time on our
hands us waiting hacks devised ways to entertain
ourselves. Some invented gossip, others sought
solace in chilled beer while still others made efforts
to befriend the Pakistani journalists among us.
Talking to Pakistani journalists became the most
popular activity and there was bonhomie, friendship
and (with the help of chilled beer)general agreement
that peace between India and Pakistan was an idea
whose time had come. If the Berlin wall could come
down, if Israelis could talk to Palestinians, why
should there not be peace between our two countries so
linked by ties of culture, language and history. This
was the mood on day one of the summit when things
seemed to be going well between the summiteers.

Then, came day two and General Pervez Musharraf's
unforeseen decision to allow his breakfast with Indian
editors to be televised worldwide and suddenly it was
not just ennui that was dispelled in the Moghul
Hotel's lobby but bonhomie as well. Pakistanis
coalesced into tight huddles and the Indians into
theirs. Mistrust replaced bonhomie. 'Isn't that the
woman who was on Star TV yesterday being really
hawkish about Kashmir?'
'Yes, and that's that columnist from Karachi who was
invited because he sounded so reasonable in his
columns but on television he turned out to be just
another hawkish Paki'.

As if some evil creature had cast a powerful spell an
ugliness suddenly manifested itself. An us versus
them thing that bred suspicion and misgivings. When
Pakistani journalists were – or seemed to be – the
recipients of privileged leaks from inside the Summit
the Indian journalists whispered about how strangely
journalists behaved in countries without a free press.

When the Indian media seemed to have access to
privileged information from our Foreign Ministry
spokesman Pakistani journalists nearly attacked the
poor lady physically and by the end of the day the
atmosphere in the lobby of the Moghul was as fraught
as among the summiteers. We knew by then that
Musharraf's breakfast show had put the Indian Prime
Minister into a furious and unforgiving mood.

Even without this information, though, you could have
told that the summit had failed from the atmosphere in
the Moghul Hotel's self-consciously Moghul lobby. If
you were in a Pakistani huddle you would be blaming
India for the failed summit. How can there be
progress as long as India refuses to discuss Kashmir?
If you were in an Indian huddle you would be blaming
the failure on General Musharraf's obsession with what
he called the core issue and his puzzling decision to
make his thoughts on the subject public mid-summit.
Even those who thought he won the propaganda war by
doing precisely this were unimpressed with his views.
All he had done was restate the Pakistani position in
clear, plain-speaking terms but no Indian journalist I
talked to saw it this way. The journalists in Agra
were some of the finest in the sub-continent but were,
inadvertently, taking exactly the positions their
governments had.

It is, alas, always this way. Whether in Lahore's
elegant drawing rooms or in Karachi's crowded streets
I have found all talk of friendship and common
culture, all bonhomie, disappear the minute the K-word
creeps into a conversation. As an Indian journalist
who has spent many years covering Kashmir what also
never ceases to amaze me is the confused impressions
of history on which many Pakistanis – especially
ordinary people – base their passions. Over and over,
when I have talked to the man in the street I have
been told that Kashmir was part of Pakistan when India
was partitioned and was taken by force.

If I have tried to explain that Indian troops only
went into the Kashmir Valley after the Maharajah
acceded to India I have – at least in the streets of
Lahore and Karachi - come close to causing a riot.
How dared I tell such lies, it must be because I was
Indian that I talked like this and more along the same
lines. The question of conversation, leave alone
debate, never begins.

The truth is – as seen from India – that for a couple
of months between August 14, 1947 and the end of
October that year Kashmir was de facto an independent
country. Its Hindu prince disliked the idea of
allowing his beautiful kingdom to be absorbed into the
vast amorphousness of India and liked the idea of
Pakistan even less. The biggest political party in
his kingdom, Sheikh Abdullah's National Conference,
was totally against the Maharajah but shared some of
his ambiguity about where to be. Sheikh Abdullah was
happier with the idea of a secular, democratic India
than an Islamic, Punjabi-dominated Pakistan but was
unsure of whether the autonomy he believed was vital
to Kashmir would be allowed to remain.

So, Kashmir went to neither India nor Pakistan until
the so-called 'tribals' invaded from Pakistan.
Indians believe that the Pathan tribesmen included
Pakistani troops and had the full backing of the
Pakistani government. The average Pakistani sees what
happened as some sort of early version of the
intifada, a spontaneous uprising.

Unluckily, for Pakistan the Kashmiris did not see it
that way. The men who came from Pakistan looted,
raped and pillaged their way to Baramulla causing
hatred and revulsion among the local population. The
Maharajah remained immobile and dithering until he
heard that they were less than two hours from
Srinagar. Indians believe that it was at this point
that he asked the Indian government for military
support.

The Indian government pointed out that any military
support would be seen as an invasion unless the
Maharajah signed a document of accession. This he did
on October 27 (CHECK) before fleeing with his jewels
and minions to the safety of Jammu leaving his people
to face an uncertain future.

This is the first event in Kashmir's post-Partition
history and it is right from here that the problem
begins. It is hard to find Pakistanis, even the most
moderate, who believe that Maharajah Hari Singh signed
a document of accession before Indian troops moved
into the state. Those who concede that some kind of
document was signed believe that it was signed under
Indian pressure and therefore invalid. There is also
a peculiar pride in the UN resolutions that came soon
after as if it were somehow Pakistan who had taken the
matter to the United Nations.

The truth, as most Indians know, is that it was
Jawaharlal Nehru who foolishly decided to take the
matter to the UN thereby unintentionally
internationalising the Kashmir problem. He went with
the idea of having Pakistan punished for what he
believed everyone would see as its attempt to take
Kashmir by force. With the hindsight of history most
Indians believe Nehru made a mistake by going to the
UN and also believe that he would have held the
promised plebiscite if Pakistani troops had withdrawn
from what Pakistanis like to call azaad Kashmir. I
have never met a Pakistani who believes that India was
ever serious about holding a plebiscite, nor one who
believed that Nehru was sincere in his offer to hold
one.

Kashmiris believed him, though, and when it did not
happen and the political problems began they rallied
around the fact that he had offered them a plebiscite
that was never held. Indian officials when asked
about why it was never held point out that it could
only have taken place if Pakistani troops had
withdrawn from the territories they occupied in
Kashmir but, again, to the average Pakistani this is
just another Indian excuse.

The irony is that if Nehru had been courageous enough
to order the plebiscite immediately after Independence
Kashmir would almost certainly have voted for India
and there would have probably been no Kashmir problem.
Again, though, nobody is sure that there would have
been peace between India and Pakistan if there had
been no Kashmir problem and the reason is that the
average Indian totally mistrusts Pakistan and believes
that it is a country whose main objective is to break
India up and if it were not the Kashmir problem it
would have been some other excuse that would have been
used.

Unfortunately, the average Indian also believes that
the Kashmiri cannot be trusted. Indian government
propaganda with the national press being the willing
vehicle of it are the reason. In 1981 when I first
went up to do a political story on Kashmir – Farooq
Abdullah's installation as the Sheikh's heir – I was
shocked to find that there was not a single Muslim
journalist employed by the national press. If
Kashmiris were employed as correspondents of national
newspapers they were invariably Kashmiri Pandits.
But, since Srinagar was a beautiful, relatively
comfortable posting senior journalists from Delhi were
eager to go and usually ended up treating the
political sentiments of the average Kashmiri with
total disdain. So, most Indians to this day remain
only vaguely aware that Kashmir was denied fair
elections between 1953 and 1977, when under Prime
Minister Morarji Desai, a truly fair election was
held. Journalists from Delhi, who liked to joke about
the fact that they were India's 'viceroys', also went
out of their way to increase the average Indian's
dislike and distrust of the Kashmiri Muslim and of all
Kashmiri politicians.

In 1983 I was sent up by The Telegraph newspaper, of
which M.J. Akbar was Editor, to cover elections to the
state legislature. It was the first election after
Sheikh Abdullah's death and within days of arriving in
Srinagar it became evident to me that his National
Conference party had no chance of losing it because
ordinary Kashmiris felt they owed this one election to
the memory of the old Sheikh.

What also became evident, equally quickly, was that
this was not how the election was going to be reported
in the national press. I drove up from Jammu in the
company of an old Kashmir hand who told me that he had
spent many years in Srinagar as a Viceroy. We had
spent some time in Jammu covering Indira Gandhi's
campaign whose main characteristic had been to play
what we liked in those days to call the Hindu card.
She manipulated the sentiments of Jammu's large Hindu
population by making campaign speeches that hinted
darkly at the dangers of Muslims 'from across the
border' being allowed in by the hoard if Farooq
Abdullah came to power. It was the sort of patently
communal campaign that should have drawn the attention
of the national press and it surprised me that it had
not found its way onto front pages. My travelling
companion explained that this was because 'us Viceroys
like to highlight the communalism of the other side'.

In the next three weeks that I spent in the Kashmir
Valley I understood exactly what he meant. Delhi
newspapers were filled with stories of Farooq
Abdullah's 'communal campaign'. As one of the few
journalists who accompanied him on his travels – most
others preferred to drink chilled beer provided by the
Congress Party in Srinagar's Nedou's Hotel – I asked
colleagues when they had heard him make 'communal'
remarks. They said that he usually made these remarks
only in Kashmiri so I would naturally have missed
them. Farooq Abdullah was painted throughout the
election as an unashamed secessionist. The national
press also went out of its way to create the
completely untrue impression that the Congress Party
was in a neck-and-neck fight with the National
Conference. So successful were they in perpetrating
this lie that it was believed enough by Indira Gandhi
for her to be furious with Farooq's landslide victory,
so furious that the Congress Party immediately after
the election set about trying to topple Farooq's
government. Baseless charges of 'massive rigging'
were made, ironically, by the only party that had ever
till then rigged elections in Kashmir.

These charges were reported as credible by the
national newspapers so there was hardly any criticism
of Indira Gandhi when, barely a year after the
assembly election, she brought down Farooq Abdullah's
government. This, in my view, was the beginning of
the current Kashmir problem. The historic problem
died in the seventies when the Bangladesh war and the
execution of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto made the average
Kashmiri suddenly see Pakistan through new eyes.
During the 1983 assembly election I visited every
constituency in the Valley – other than Uri – and
everywhere I went I asked if plebiscite was still an
issue and everywhere the answer was, 'No, this
election is one in which we are participating as
Indians'.

If Indira Gandhi's hubris had not got the better of
her we would probably never had the uprising of 1989
that began the violence that has now resulted in a
death toll of more than 50,000. Till 1986, despite
the toppling of Farooq Abdullah's government, the
situation in Kashmir was retrievable. All that Rajiv
Gandhi, Prime Minister by then with the largest
mandate in Indian history, needed to have done was
order fresh elections. Farooq, still hugely popular,
would have won and the Congress Party which managed to
get nearly 25% of the vote in 1983 could have built
itself up to take on the National Conference at the
next election. Rajiv, sadly, made the most crucial
mistake of all: he insisted that the National
Conference fight the 1987 assembly election in
alliance with his Congress Party thereby causing both
Kashmir's centrist parties to commit political
suicide.

Farooq Abdullah's kowtowing to Rajiv after having been
called a terrorist by the Congress Party and after the
public humiliation of his government being dismissed
for no reason was seen by the average Kashmir as yet
another attempt to rub Kashmir's nose in the dirt.
Yet another reminder that India's only Muslim-majority
province would never be trusted. Inevitably, memories
of Kashmir's historical problem with India came back
to the surface and the old, secessionist forces
–dormant since Sheikh Abdullah's return as chief
minister – came back to haunt his son.

In a fair election these forces, which united to form
the Muslim United Front (MUF), would probably have won
no more than fifteen seats in the Kashmir Assembly.
But, Farooq panicked and although he continues to deny
that the 1987 assembly election was rigged the charges
have managed to stick and are ironically still made by
political leaders including Atal Behari Vajpayee.
Farooq, in his second term as chief minister was too
discredited to be able to hold Kashmir together and
within months of his taking over – although the
tourists still continued to come and Hindi movies
continued to be made – there were rumours of young men
having gone across the border to train as terrorists.

The Pakistan government was barely involved at this
stage, the violent uprising that began after the
Indian Home Minister's daughter was kidnapped in
December 1989 took Pakistan by surprise. But, the
average Indian does not see it this way. The Indian
press and most Indian politicians have encouraged the
belief that the Kashmir problem is entirely a creation
of Pakistan. After the violence began Farooq Abdullah
tried to prevent Jagmohan – hated for his role in
conniving to bring Farooq's earlier government down –
being sent up once more as Governor. When Delhi, now
ruled by a weak, amateurish government under
Vishwanath Pratap Singh, refused to listen Farooq
resigned. Kashmiri anger exploded into the streets in
the form of massive protests and these may have died
their own death –when Kashmiris realized that azaadi
was not going to come so easily – but Jagmohan, a
municipal official from Delhi with no political
sensitivity – decided to use the jackboot. Peaceful,
unarmed protesters were fired upon and so began a
process of alienation from India that had never
existed in the past.

Till the nineties if the Kashmiris had complaints
about India they were mainly to do with the denial of
basic political rights and the denial of the special
status Kashmir was promised in 1947.

There were, till the nineties, no 'martyrs graveyards'
filled with the graves of innocent men, women and
children killed in 'crossfire'. Ironically, in one of
them is buried Mirwaiz Maulvi Farooq, traditionally
one of Kashmir's most important religious leaders, who
was killed by a militant group but whose death is
blamed on the Indian government by most Kashmiris. So
discredited did the Indian government become in the
six months that Jagmohan was Governor in 1990 that it
was unable to convince ordinary Kashmiris of the truth
even when it was the truth.

It was in early 1990 that Pakistan began to involve
itself in fomenting violence in the Valley. As almost
its first move it set up a militant group called the
Hizb ul Mujahideen (HUM) to take on the JKLF (Jammu
Kashmir Liberation Front) which had started the
violence by kidnapping Home Minister Mufti Mohammed
Syed's daughter in December 1989. The JKLF was
inconvenient for Pakistan because of its determined
stand that the only solution to the Kashmir problem
was to give the state independence. The HUM was more
cooperative because, like the Jamaat-e-Islami whose
militant wing it is believed to be, it takes the view
that Kashmir should be merged with Pakistan.

Nearly all the militant groups that have come up since
have been creations of Pakistan with the clear
objective of establishing Pakistan's right over
Kashmir. And, since Pakistan is one of the only two
countries in the world – Israel being the other –
which was created in the name of religion it was
important to make Kashmiris aware that they were
Muslims and so should recognize their natural affinity
with Pakistan's Islamic republic.

In order to do this the nature of the militancy had to
be changed and by the mid-nineties the beginnings of
the change were became obvious. The militant groups,
increasingly filled with foreign recruits from
Afghanistan, Pakistan and other Muslim countries,
began to enforce their version of Islam. Bars,
cinemas, video libraries and beauty salons were
forcibly closed as being un-Islamic.

Liquor bottles were smashed in the streets, women
ordered to wear the burqa or risk having acid thrown
in their faces and in the mosques –where Kashmiri
women had always been allowed to worship – there were
now more rigid Islamic rules applied so that women
could no longer go. Shrines and dargahs at which both
Hindu and Muslim Kashmiris worshipped like Hazratbal
and Charar-e-Sharif also came under attack.
Charar-e-Sharif was burned down in a battle with the
Indian army and Hazratbal witnessed a siege for
several days when militants opened fire on Indian
troops from inside. Do the Kashmiris like this new
version of Islam? Groups like the JKLF and Kashmiri
leaders like Shabir Shah have tried to maintain the
secular character of their struggle for freedom but
have failed. They have spoken often about the tragedy
of Kashmiri Hindus being forced out of the state but
their appeals lack popular support. Ordinary Kashmiris
are so bitter about Indian repression that Islamist
militants –called guest mujahideen – are given support
that they would not normally have had. Since the
attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon on
September 11 there appears to be less support for the
idea of drawing Kashmir's freedom movement into some
kind of jehad for Islam but with the government of
Atal Behari Vajpayee seen as a Hindu government the
choice comes across as being between Hinduism and
Islam.

So, will Kashmir be allowed one day to make the choice
between India and Pakistan? Unlikely. No Indian
government could survive a single day if it even
considered the possibilities of a plebiscite under the
UN resolutions. Kashmir has never been an election
issue in India and south of Delhi there is little
interest in Kashmir – unless there is a war – but most
Indians are convinced that giving Kashmir up would be
a threat to India's security. Between keeping Kashmir
under control and fighting to keep the Siachen Glacier
the Indian government is believed to be spending more
than Rs 7 crores a day but nobody seems to mind
because this is seen as vital investment in the
country's security.

The average Indian does not trust Pakistan. After the
Kargil episode this mistrust has assumed huge
proportions. Indians believe that Atal Behari
Vajpayee made a genuine attempt at friendship by going
to Lahore on a bus in February 1999 and Pakistan's
response in Kargil, two months later, is widely seen
as evidence that Pakistan wants not peace with India
but its total destruction. Pakistanis I have met in
positions of high office – both Generals and
politicians – admit that they believe that if India
loses Kashmir it will be the beginning of some kind of
domino effect and that other states will also demand
secession. This is very far from being true because
the one thing that India has succeeded in achieving in
the past fifty years is a sense of national identity.
Pakistanis also seem to believe that it is the 'myth'
of Indian secularism that India seeks to protect by
hanging on to Kashmir but, again, this is not true
because secularism is no longer considered as
important to the average Indian as economic growth and
improved standards of living.

But, even Indian liberals admit that if India's
borders are redrawn once more in the name of Islam or
the 'unfinished agenda of Partition' it will become
extremely difficult for Indian Muslims outside the
Kashmir Valley. Unfortunately, since September 11, the
belief that all Muslims are basically fanatics has
increased among ordinary Hindus so there is little or
no sympathy for the Kashmiris. This makes it harder
for a government in Delhi to solve the domestic
aspects of the problem although it needs to be said
that the Vajpayee government has failed singularly to
even come up with a policy for Kashmir.

Changed international realities have made it easier
for them to evade the domestic side of the problem and
to blame the whole thing on cross-border terrorism.
Sadly, the government has the support of Indian public
opinion where this is concerned so there is
insufficient pressure on it to evolve a policy that
would seek to make internal peace in Kashmir.

Which brings us to the question of whether the
international aspects of the Kashmir problem would
once more fade into the background – as happened
between 1971 (Simla Agreement) and 1989 – if the
Kashmir Valley became once more a peaceful place where
tourists could flock and Hindi movies could once more
be made.

This is possible but what then would happen to
Pakistan's 'core issue' case? How can Pakistan now
withdraw from its position that the only solution to
the Kashmir problem is an international one that
involves redrawing boundaries? How can it sustain its
argument that the only thing preventing peace on the
sub-continent is the absence of a solution in Kashmir?
Through the nineties Pakistani leaders have used
Kashmir to whip up political support for themselves.
I saw how well they had succeeded during a trip to
Pakistan in the summer of 2001. Among the people I
interviewed in the streets of Lahore and Karachi were
unemployed workers who complained bitterly about
General Pervez Musharraf's economic policies. Workers
were being laid off, they said, and factories closed
to meet conditions set by the International Monetary
Fund. The general economic malaise in the country
bothered them, they said, because things seemed to be
getting worse by the day. They wanted friendship with
India because they felt that if there was peace
between the two countries they could cross the border
and find work in India if they could not find it in
Pakistan.

But, they added, they were prepared to die in the
fight for Kashmir. First, Kashmir has to be given to
Pakistan, they said, only then could there be peace.
When I pointed out that this might never happen they
were adamant that it would happen because they were
all prepared to join the jehad. Shopkeepers, small
businessmen and even villagers all said the same
thing. So, we have a situation in which public
opinion in India is almost unanimous that there can be
no more redrawing of our borders and public opinion in
Pakistan is almost unanimous that Kashmir has to come
to Pakistan.

This leaves the sub-continent's leaders very little
room for manoeuvre. No Indian leader can even
consider giving Kashmir away and no Pakistani leader
can give up the 'core issue'. Meanwhile, the people
of Kashmir continue to be caught between the guns of
India's security forces on one side and the guns of
the militants on the other. Their faith in azaadi has
waned as the years of violence have gone relentlessly
by as has their faith in the militant groups who began
the struggle for it. A whole generation of young
Kashmiris has grown up without remembering a time when
their lives were normal. Kashmir's political leaders,
whether Farooq Abdullah or those that constitute the
All Party Hurriyat Conference, seem unable to do much
in the face of the governments of India and Pakistan
taking it upon themselves to solve – or prevent
solution – of the problem.

So, where do we go from here? There appear to be two
roads to peace. The one favoured by India is peace
without redrawing borders. This is based on the
belief that if Pakistan stops cross-border terrorism
the movement for azaadi will die a natural death
because the average Kashmiri is weary of violence.
When the next election is held – and these days they
tend to be proper elections – then former militant
leaders like Yasin Malik of the JKLF and Shabir Shah
could contest and possibly defeat Farooq's National
Conference. We could then go back to politics as
usual as happened in Punjab and in Northeastern states
like Assam and Nagaland. This can only happen,
though, if Pakistan in view of its decision since
September 11 to joint the coalition against terrorism
decides to let Kashmir alone.

If it does not and the violence in the Valley
continues to remain beyond the control of the Indian
government then an international solution will have
to, at some point, be sought. There is a growing view
in India, though not in the government, that perhaps
international mediation could be the way forward since
Pakistan and India seem incapable of even speaking the
same language any more. Even if this happens there is
little likelihood of India agreeing to redraw its
borders.

The very most it could agree to would be a softer
border that would allow movement between the two
halves of Kashmir and, perhaps, greater autonomy to
the state in keeping with the original promise to give
it a special status. Even to give this much, though,
would require a strong government in Delhi and this
seems unlikely in the near future. If the coalition
led by the Bharatiya Janata Party is defeated in the
general election due in 2003 it will, in all
likelihood, be replaced by a coalition led by the
Congress Party. Since the Congress is currently led
by a leader of Italian birth this government would
have even less wiggle room than the present one
because it would have to prove its nationalistic
credentials at every step with Hindu nationalists
breathing down its neck.

Besides, since Agra, the general view in India is that
there can never be peace with Pakistan because
Pakistani leaders – whether in uniform or civvies –
cannot deliver it. Since the hunt for Osama bin Laden
began and the United States chose to forget its
earlier aversion to military dictators and take
General Musharraf on board as a valued ally there is a
certain loss of trust in the Americans as well. How
can you fight terrorism if you take the support of
countries that support terrorism is a question that is
widely asked with many Indians, even in positions of
power, concluding that the Americans are only
interested in fighting their own war against terrorism
not in the one India believes it is fighting in
Kashmir.

The militancy in Kashmir has of late taken a very ugly
turn with Hindu villagers and even priests being
targeted in Jammu. The attempt to blow up the
legislative assembly in Srinagar with a car bomb,
shortly after September 11, has added to the
impression that what India faces in the Kashmir Valley
is not a cry for azaadi based on genuine grievances
but an Islamic fundamentalist jehad. So, Osama bin
Laden's war on the West has added an unexpected new
dimension to the Kashmir problem.

There may, one day, be a solution in Kashmir that
satisfies India, Pakistan and ordinary Kashmiris but
right now not even the faintest glimmer of it is
visible on the horizon. We should not conclude from
this that we should just let things fester until there
is a glimmer of hope. It is vital that India and
Pakistan continue talking to each other, vital that we
start some kind of peace process if only because two
nuclear powers cannot afford to remain in a state of
permanent hostility, vital that the process that began
in Agra go forward even if we do not really even speak
the same language any more.

This article, published by permission of Ushba
International Publishers was selected from the
forthcoming volume The Agra Summit and Beyond.

____________________________________________________________________________________Sick sense of humor? Visit Yahoo! TV's
Comedy with an Edge to see what's on, when.

http://tv.yahoo.com/collections/222

old posts

1/30/2006 reg : creamy layer misusing reservation policy

1/30/2006 thiruvidandai temple

1/30/2006 yin-yang & siva-sakthi

1/30/2006a treasured possesion

1/30/2006 Panchaboohtagal - an interpretation

1/30/2006 child labour in 'prospersous India

'1/30/2006 Peter Drucker : tax evesion leads to cynicism

1/30/2006 God, dharma, human logic, astrology and life ;Maughum's Razor's Edge, etc

1/30/2006 To The Editor, Thuglak, Chennai

1/30/2006 Lord Rama & L.K.Advani

1/30/2006 reg your ambiguity on TN elections - 2001

1/30/2006 Brahminism : theory & practise

1/30/2006 To : The Editor, Thuglak, Chennai

1/30/2006 To The Editor, Readers Digest

1/30/2006 Vedic society and equality

---------------------------------------------------------


reg : creamy layer misusing reservation policy

From : K.R.Athiyaman, Chennai - 96

To : Thriru.Ki.Veeramani Ayya Avargal, Chennai

Anbulla Ayya,
The creamy layer (that is, those who are upper middle class andabove) among BC/SC/ST communities continue to enjoy thebenifits of reservation unashamedly.(i hail from such a family).We propose that economic criteria shouldalso be included as an additional qualification for being eligible for reservation benefits.Families whose annual income is above say,Rs.1,80,000/- and where the parents are welleducated may be deemed as FCs. And many schools,where annual fees are above Rs.60,000 may beclassified as FC schools.Reservation was meant to be a short termissue and never a permenent institution asit has become now. And there should be astanding committe consisting of eminentjurists, educationalists and honest peopleto perodically evaluate the effects/abuseof reservation benefits.The whole processshould a dynamic one, not a static one, whichis now a vote bank issue and nutured byvested interests. And there should be a maximum limit for resrvation (and not thepresent >70%), which should be graduallybrought down.And in promotion among govt staff onlyseniority, merit and efficency should bethe criteria. Only one generation of anyfamily must be eligible for the benefits.Subsequent generation must be deemed FCs.Unfair reservation benefits to numerouswell off students has created resentmentand heart burn among FCs and many fair minded people. The caste divisions has becomemore rigid and divisive (esp in govt offices).I am sure Thandai Periyar and Ambedhkar wouldendorse my above views if they are alive today.They were basicaly honest in all issues. DK should have functioned as a bridge betweenBCs and SCs (esp in rural areas) and establishedpeace committes for stopping caste clashes.The aliented SCs have formed many organisationsof their own to fight for their rights, insteadof joinning DK. Blaming brahmins alone for allthe ills of the society will not solve any thing.Thanks & RegardsK.R.AthiyamanChennai

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thiruvidandai temple

Dear Freind,

The film Mogamul does poor justise to the novel. It isimpossible to portray certain depth of emotions,feelings and writings in film. and moreover thecharacter Rajam (hero Babu's freind)by Vivek is not atall like the original Rajam who plays an importantpart. And Ranganna, the guru can only be described.I think reading Mogamul is very important for abudding writer like you. sujatha sir has written aboutMogamul (and he met Thi.Ja in Delhi) and JJ silakuripugal in his 'vivadangalam vimarsanagulam'.Yestersay i biked to Thriuvidanthai temple at ECR.It is somewhat near from my place (24 kms).Kumbabisekam was done in June and i had good darshanof Lord after many years. (moolavar sannidhi wasclosed for more than two years for renovation).sir has written about this besutiful temple in his'alwargal oru arimugam' ' hope you had visted thistemple. thirumagai alwar had sung about this temple.Pls see tiruvidanthaidiviyadesam.orgAnd my most favourtite temple is Ulagalandha Perumaltemple at Thirukovilur (near Thiruvannamalai); i am fortunate that my co-brother hails from thisplaceand i had spent may happy and contented hours sittingin front of the moolasthana. The bewithcing smile ofPerumal (he is in a standing pose,thiruvikaram kolam)is indescribable. and i am at my happiest bliss whilejust having dharshan of beutifully carved deity witha most enchanting smile you can ever know. And i readthat Prabandams were first sung by mudal alawrgal atthis temple. Pls try to visit this historic andbeautiful temple.and we spent a weekend in Jan roaming around all thetemples in Kancheepuram.ok.more laterAthiyman

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yin-yang & siva-sakthi

Dear Sir,

The booklet "Oru Vingana Parvayilirundhu" (1984) isimportant and lucidly written. I consider it as one ofyour best works.Only one matter has not been mentioned. Dual natureof particles (uncertainity principle) which tellsabout wave/matter state or nature of particles ;can be co-related to our Siva Sakthi (andardhanareeshwarar) ; matter becomes energy and viceversa ; sakthi (energy) becomes sivam (matter) ;and sivasakthi is the nature of universe. (..movie :Thiruvilayadal and the famous dual between sivam andsakthi)All things and actions in this universe are co-relatedin distance and time. Saravam Brahma mayam. For e.g awave in a beach is the net result of all forces andparameters of ocean and land ,wind and time.Astrological perspective too can be fit into thisview.The postions and movements of planets affect andcontrol life events.

Thanks & regards
Athiyaman

P.S : on a ligther vein Samuel Johnson about fornication act : "....the postion being ridiculous and pleasure momentary..."

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a treasured possesion

To : Thriru Sujatha

Dear Sir,

"Enadu Ninavugal" by Kovai Ayyamuthu (1898-1975) is a remarkable autobiography of a remarakble personality. Freedom fighter, Gandhian, poet, writer-director,entreupreuner and agriculturist,whose career took many turns. Served in WW 1 in Iraq,worked in Rangoon, became a mechant in Coimbatore ;after hearing Gandhiji's call, joinned Congress and established Kadar movement in Tirupurand TN ; was collegue of EVR,C.S and Kamaraj and Kalki Sadasivam in 1930s and 40s.(jailed in Vaikomstruggle).And was a sisya of Rajaji till the end. Helpedestablish the Gandhi Ashram near Tiruchengode in 1925.Quaerelled with Gandhiji over an issue and resignedfrom Khadi movement in 1942 and went on to become asuccessful trader and businessman in Coimbatore ;wrote and directed the film "Kanchan" in 1947 atCoimbatore Central Studios (jupiter films) ; andfinally settled down as agriculturist near Pollachi in 1950.N.Mahalingam was his sisya.Subsequently joined Swatanta party under Rajaji.Worked tirelessly till the end.His book continues to inspire me and i treasure it.

Thanks & Regards
Athiyaman

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Panchaboohtagal - an interpretation

To : Thiru Sujatha

Dear Sir,

Panchaboohtams can be compared to the different states of matter as :Nilam : solidsNeer : LiquidsKattru : gasAhayam : vacuum/space (or the fourth state of matter : plasma ?)Nerupu : heat energy or photons, etc which gets released or absorbed when matter converts from one state to another.

Thanks & regards
Athiyaman
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child labour in 'prospersous India'

Dear Sir,

Economic illiteracy is wide even among intellegensia.Govt prints about Rs.85,000 crores of legal tenderevery year to paartly balance the birgeonong deficts and an equal amonut is borrowed. Inflation is manilydue to this factor. (crude oil prices contribute tolesser extent).Children are sold/stolen into child labour, beggingand prostitution because the parents' effective incomefalls due to the depreciating ruppee. Govt of India(for that matter, most govts) depreciate their owncurrencies to spend on themselves and programs.And no amount of seminars or legal acts is going tostop child labour as this is an economic phenomenon.only when employment, and wages rise can this bestopped.while the total economy is improving over the decades,govt is nearly bankrupt due to socialism, etc.And govt borrowings are frightening. pls refer budgetfigures for internal debt trap.

Thanks & Regrds
Athiyaman
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Peter Drucker : tax evesion leads to cynicism

Dear Sir,

While chatting you had mentioned about the connectionbetween tax evasion and cynicism. The following is from P.Drucker's 'The New Realities " (pp69-70)'....once the govt take, esp if collected thru taxes,exceeds a certain percentage of gross national productor personal incomes - the fiqure seems to be around 35-40 percent or so - a silent but highly effective 'tax revolt' starts. People stop working ; what is thepointif the additional income is being taxed anyway ? Worse, people begin to cheat. A 'grey economy'develops.In the US there was almost no tax cheating before 1960...'...Attempts to stamp out or even to curtail the grayeconomy are ineffectual as long as tax rates remainhigh.In fact, while everyone loudly condemns the greayeconomy, most people not only participate in it but consider it morally justified and, in fact, 'clever'. But this undermines the moral cohesion of scoiety, Itproduces a dangerous political poison, cynicism.'Seventy years ago Schumpeter warned that inflationwould destroy free society. After WW 1 , theinflations in Europe, espescally in Germany amply bore out Schumpeter's warning...'

Regards
Athiyaman
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God, dharma, human logic, astrology and life ; Maughum's Razor's Edge, etc

To : Thiru Sujatha Rangarajan

Dear Sir,
Hindu concepts of transmigration of soul, rebirth can be used to justify or rationalise the unfairnessof life on earth. God' dharma or ethics isincomprehensible to our human logic. Good peoplesuffer needlessly while evil people flourish and diepeacefully. so it seems. In Astrology, the fifth housedenotes prevoius births or purva punya sthanam.And our current life and events are based on tallyingthe good/bad things we had done in prevoius births.Only if we can understand or accept such logic can wejustify or rationalise life's contradictions andunfairness.Hope you must have read Razor's Edge by your favouriteauthor Somerset Maughaum, based on Ramanar and India.It is his most important work. Pls re-read Larry'sexperiences and inferences again. About Godlinessand human life and soul.Also R.K.Narayan's auto-biography "My Days" andsemi-autobiographical novel "English Teacher" areimportantbooks about tranmigration of soul. he says heestablished contact with his late wife (who passed away in 1939) ; and he is not unscientific.Astrology, as in weekly predictions or sun-signs are generalised and can be quite inaccurate. Only acorrectinterpretation of horoscope can give accurate resultsand analysis. The character of an individual, his strenghts and weakness, biases , health, appearance,etc can be predicted accurately in our Indianmethods.Pls try to meet Thiru.A.M.R of Kumudamjodhidam for a discussion. Or you can enquire abouthismerits and accomplishments with your contacts atKumudam office, etc. You may be in for a surprise.I am from a DK background, but now an ametuerastrologer ; and can understand many facets or life and humans better now. more later

Sincerely Yours
Athiyaman
Chennai

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To The Editor,
Thuglak
Chennai

Sir,
I am a long time reader of Thuglak. I admire your courage and forthrightness.You have critisised the film "Bharathi" . I have sent a letter(inTamil) about it. No film will get pass mark from you. Films likeKaruthamma, Mahanadhi, Nmmavar, HeyRam were all rejectedby you as mediocre. Constructive criticism is not your style;only destructive criticisim. First of all you have no MORAL RIGHT to crititsise any film, as you had acted in many fifth rate masala films in the past. It is likea butcher preaching ahimsa. Regarding feminism and women in general you are a knownchauvinist and a cynic. I have only one point to make. I perceivethat in your whole life (with a upper middle class urban broughtupamong Madras brahmins ) you were not fortunate enough to meetor know any innocent, unassuming low caste village women.It is very difficult for you to understand the ethos and the depth ofculture and love among the rural, uneducated and innocent village folks. All you know is about arrogant,narrow minded and domineeringcynical women of upper middle class Madras and of course thewomen in filmworld and politics.I sugest, you discuss this view pointwith people like Bharathiraja, Writer Sujatha and Prabanjan.Your views are nothing but sweeping generalisations. Regarding Hindu philosophy, I have herewith enclosed a copy of myletter to The Astrological Magazine, which applies to your view point too.Theoretically Hindu religion is great ; but we are interested in pracaticalaspects.Equality of all men is alien to practical Hinduism. RSS whose idealogy was a catalyst to Mahatma Gandhi 's assasinationis supported by you.Their ideology is illogical and anachronist.I hope youhave read the book "WE" by its founder. There are truly honest and selflessmembers in RSS. I have many friends there. But they are all self righteouusand wallow in hatred. Though they do not espouse violence directly, theirpreachings induce violence indirectly. Do you think that those who bannedRSS in the past were idiots and not patriotic ? I support liberalisation and privatisation.Please arrange for a regualar coloumnexplaining the various aspects and the nedd for liberalisation.

Thanks & Regards,
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Lord Rama & L.K.Advani

To : Mr.Rajinder Puri,

Dear Sir,

I belive in karma and dharma. Advani has been punished partlyfor his past sins in using the Ram templefanatics of VHP, etc tofurther his political career since 1980s.VHP and Co are alteast sincere andconsistent in their fanatisism.They are genuine communalists and facisits, who do not belive indemocracy. but they are honest and forthright. neverdouble dealingnor political animals. But Advaniis a crafty and cynical politician,and a'pseudo-communalist'. VHP is right in being disillusioned withhim, who carefully used thieragenda (Ram temple) to whip up apopulist mass base and votes. And due topolitical expediancy, heabandoned Ram temple later. Advani, whose ratha yatra (whichdirectly resulted inthe murder of 1000s of innocents in 1990)would have become PM, but for the Jain hawala case. (thanksto your PIL) ; and now he stands discredited and powerlesswithin his own group. Lord Rama has done justice. And Advaniwill neverbe PM in India.

Om tat Sat.

Regards
Athiyaman
Chennai
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reg your ambiguity on TN elections - 2001

To : Thiru Cho,Editor, Thuglak, Chennai

Dear Sir,
I am a long-time reader of Thuglak. Although we differ invarious matters, we admire your forthrightness and honesty.In your view the DMK govt sponsors terrorist / separatistgroups in TN. There seems to nothing new in this matter.Tamil separatists and terrorists have been operating for the pasttwenty five years in TN. The govt seems to be doing its best incontaining these elements. Certainly their track record seemsto better than that of 1989 - 91 regime.Let me be frank. We were LTTE sympathisers until some ten yearsago. Lot of people in Karur helped the militants of various groupsduring 1983-90. We have stopped all our support for such groupsand realise that Eelam is not a viable alternative and only politicalsettlement within the framework of Sri Lankan constitution will givelasting peace and solve the ethnic problem. We do not approveof many terror tactics & fratricide activities. Still we do have a softcorner for them and admire their courage, idealism and sacrifice.We are apologists for such groups.It is roughly equal to the ambiguous stance taken by you regarding themilitant elements of the Sangh Parivar. While you disapprove of the illegaland violent actions of VHP, Bajarag Dal and Shiv Sena, ideologically yousupport them covertly.The case of DMK is exactly the same. DMK originated from DK andhas common ideology with such Tamil separatist groups. Some of myold friends who were associated with such fringe groups express theirbitterness and frustration that the DMK govt is ruthlessly framingand persecuting them. They perceive that the the DMK govt is alwaysworse in this matter than ADMK govts ! So much for your theories !All you can say about the Babri masjid demolition is that it isunfortunate and unnecessary ; that Ramar Temple problem isunwanted now that BJP is in power. You do not overtly condemnthe BJP and the Sangha Parivar for unleashing the communalfrenzy which resulted in the demolition ofthe Babri Masjid.Youtoo act as an apologist for these fanatics and maniacs. Accordingto you Advani is the best and most respectable politician in India.We have not forgotten his infamous ratha yatra in 1990 whichwas directly responsible for some 500 communal deaths.All you can say is that he undertook the yathra to unify andawake the Hindus. That his rabble-rousing journey with fanaticslike Uma Bharathi whipped us communal passions and resultedin the demolition in 1992, is never mentioned in your columns.According to our judgement, Advani is the most dangerous personwithin the Sangh parivar. He is directly responsible for thousandof deaths. He is worse than Godse. Please, we repeat, please, dosome soul-searching regarding your one-sided views in this matter.Try to be neutral, objective and fair in your assessment. Is thereany fundamental difference between the actions of Advani and peoplelike John Pandian, Dr.Krishnasamy, and Ramadass of TN. While youcondemn and disapprove of whipping up casteist and blatantly illegalactions of these TN politicians, you do not apply the same objectivityin assessing the Sangha Parivar. Caste is part and parcel of Hindureligion. Using caste or religion in politics or in public speeches(like Uma Bharathi's) is explicitly forbidden in our constitution.In our view we see no difference between Advani and Dr.Krishnasamy.Both are narrow minded, dishonest and cynical politicians whoarouse communal or casteist passions to further their politicalends. The end result of their actions always result in violence andmurder of innocent people.One man's hero is another man's terrorist. Nethaji, Bhagat SinghVanjinathan are our heroes while the British and their allies considerthem as terrorists. Especially Netaji is considered as a traitor anddisapproved because he allied with the Nazi Germany and imperialistJapanese, who inflicted inhuman massacres in Manchuria and otherparts of Asia during the second world war. Still we Indians revereNethaji and consider him a national hero. Lot of Tamils in TN andSri Lanka have similar respect and affection for the LTTE chief.So whose view is right ? Still we want the LTTE to give up violenceand initiate peace talks. Our consideration for LTTE is equal to yourconsideration for the RSS. Both are full of misguided idealists andboth organisations have caused plenty of harm and grief in the past.Please try to be fair in your judgement.The police action of DMK govt in Veerappan matter is equal toor better than that of ADMK regime. Lack of political will and jointcommand between TN and Karnataka police departments is themain reason for the delay in his capture. He switches betweenTN and Karnataka borders according to the intensity of theoperations. there is / was little co-ordination between the twotask forces, Ego clash between top police officers from both thestates was one of the main factors in the inefficiency of operations.Please explain to us how a change in TN govt will increase theefficiency.The ADMK is the most evil party in the history of TN. You shouldnot have advised Jayalitha in any matter. Suppose your advise orviews are useful somehow for her and she may forge a strategybased on your assessment of the current political alliances andmake a come back. Indirectly, your realistic views (not advise,but only your opinion, as you put it) can help her. All your piouswritings and moral uprightness will be under question if she makesa come back. TN will slide back into dark ages again. Whyare you so ambiguous. Do you want Jaylalitha back as CM or not ?Whom do you want us to vote ? Don't escape by saying that wehave no real choice since DMK is soft on terrorists. If you areconvinced of your views then openly advise us to vote for ADMK.Till date you have not given your advise (like in 1996) in your usualforthright style. Your are worse that Mooppanar in this matter.We fear you may have a hidden agenda.

Thanks & Regards
K.R.Athiyaman
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Brahminism : theory & practise

To : The Editor, Thuglak, Chennai

Dear Sir,
This is with reference to your column about Brahminism.Theory and practise are different. But all you have quoted istheoretical brahminism. The evils of caste hierarchy, untouchablity,sati, widows isolation were not opposed or criticised by the majorityof the brahmins.When Sharda act (banning Child marriage) was passed in the 40s,it was opposed bitterly by the Brahmin elite. Satyamoorthy, the congressleader opposed the Act banning Devadasi system in temples.Dr.Muthulaksmi, the first women doctor, silenced him by asking him ifhe was willing to send his family girls as Devadasis ; and then the actwas passed. Satyamoorth was great leader and a patriot but regardingquestions about orthodox Hindu practices, he was a Brahmin of his times.Va.Ve.Su Iyer, the freedom fighter practised untouchability in hisAshram at Cheranmadhevi. This enraged EVR Periyar and he subsequentlyleft Congress for good, feeling it was dominated by reactionary Brahmins.Please write the facts about the Brahmin leaders and elite who opposed thetemple entry movement at Vykam (1925) and at Madurai in the 30s.You are tabulating the patriotic deeds of Brahmin freedom fighters. Youstate only the partial truth. For every Brahmin freedom fighter, there wasa hundred Brahmin ICS officers,Magistrates, Police officers, etc whocollaborated with the British. But we don't want to rake up all that past.In fact, there were martyrs, freedom fighters. collaborationists , indifferentcareerists in every caste during the freedom struggle. But as most of thegovt. positions (especially the top ones) were occupied by the Brahmins,the percent of collaborationists is higher among them.Sir C.P.Ramasamy Iyer is now portrayed as great statesman and legalluminary by the present Brahmin historians and media. But he was a traitorof the first order. During his reign as the Dewan of Travancore, he ruthlesslysuppressed the Congress movement and crushed all civil liberties. Worse,he declared Travancore to be independent in 1947 and named a HighCommissioner to Pakistan. He was assaulted physically by the people of thestate and Travancore joined Indian Union. All these facts were suppressedand now there is even a road named after him in Chennai !We can quote thousands of such incidents and treachery from the colonialpast regarding Brahmins, but we feel, all that is irrelevant and unnecessary today.Instead of justifying the Orthodox Brahminstic theory, you can write about theevils perpetuated in the name of Hinduism like caste as per birth, widows plight,education, sati, untouchability. The present OBCs too practise untouchabilityand have casteist values ; but the Brahamin elite should shoulder the responsibilityfor having justified the social order in the name of Manu.Brahminism is understood by us, as such practises mentioned above and henceit was opposed bitterly by the D.K movement ; not the theoretical aspects whichyou quote cleverly. If only all the Brahmins have lived according to their Scripturesand followed the theoretical Brahminsm (which you write about) sincerely, then thiswhole controversy would not have been there.

Thanks & Regards
K.R.Athiyaman
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

To : The Editor, Thuglak, Chennai

Dear Sir,

Congratulations on your excellent review of the film " Rytham". For the firsttime in the long history of Thuglak, a film has been praised and reviewdobjectively.Herewith I have enclosed a letter written by Sardar Patel to RSS chief. (Taken formthe RSS website)Regarding your coloumn on Brahminism : Theory and practise are two differentfactors. Theoritical Hindusim( or Brahminism) is really great: stresses equality,selflessness, love, simple life, etc. But practical Brahminism is totally different.Right form Buddha, Ram Mohan Roy, Vivekananda, Mahathma Gandhi,E.V.R Periyar and Ambedhkar were critical of practical Hindu Orthodoxpractises. If only the Hindus( especially Brahmins and other upper castes)had followed the code and ethics esposed in your trnslations of upanishadsand Gita, this whole controversy and bitterness would not have arisen.Please understand that, we, who were victims of caste opperssion cannot andwill not understand the theoritical aspects of Brahminism. Please explain thelaw according to Manusmrihi in your coloumns. What about the controversyabout Vyalar Ravi's son's wedding at Gurvayoor temple premises ? Brahminismin 21sr Century !Personnaly, I have many differences about the ways used to combat the inequalitiesin Hindu society. Reservation should be reviewed and the creamy layer( of OBCs)should be removed from the benefits. I will write later in detail about this.

Regards,
Athiyaman


A letter of Sardar Patel's of September 11, 1948, addressed to the RSS chief Golwalkar himself:

Aurangzeb Road
New Delhi
Date: 11th Sept. 1948


Brother Sri Golwalkar,
... You are very well aware of my views about the RSS. ... There can be no doubt that the RSS did service to the Hindu society. In the areas where there was need for help and organisation, the young men of the RSS protected women and children and strove much for their sake. No person of understanding could have a word of objection regarding that. But the objectionable part arose when they, burning with revenge, began attacking Mussalmans. Organising the Hindus and helping them is one thing but going in for revenge for its sufferings on innocent and helpless men, women and children is quite another thing. ...All their speeches were full of communal poison. It was not necessary to spread poison in order to enthus the Hindus and organise for their protection. As a final result of the poison, the country had to suffer the sacrifice of the invaluable life of Gandhiji. Even an iota of the sympathy of the Government or of the people no more remained for the RSS. In fact opposition grew. Opposition turned more severe when the RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhiji's death. Under these circumstances it becamed inevitable for the Government to take action against the RSS.

Yours
(Sd.) Vallabh Bhai Patel ---

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To
The Editor,Readers Digest

Dear Sir,

I am a long time reader and admirer of RD.Most of thearticles are objective, informative and unbiased.Since your political views are right of center (I have noobjection to them), you have published a number of articlesjustifying the American involvement in the Vietnam war.It is not an unbiased or neutral viewpoint.Millions of Americans(including Bill Clinton) had opposed the war vehemently.There can be no justification (moral or ideological for the war.Questions about National sovereignty and human right violationsare not raised in your columns. Just imagine if Mexico or Argentinahad intervened> similarly in the American civil war of 1860s! Thatafter all these years, RD still tries in vain to justify the sordid chapterin American history is ironical. But I support American actions inYugoslavia ; and I am not a communist.While you publish articles about the private lives of Mao Tse Tung,Castro and other left wing dictators, no word about the personal affairsof John.F.Kennedy, who was equally bad in his abuse of women. It isnot an objective or unbiased viewpoint. Anyway if you can correct these flaws, RD will be a truly great magazine.

Thanking You,
With Regards,
K.R.Athiyaman.
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Vedic society and equality

FromK.R.Athiyaman,36,Middle St., Pasupathip[alayam,Karur -639 004 Tamil Nadu
ToThe Editor,The Astrlogical Magazine,Bangalore

Dear Sir / Madam,

Time and again you have upheld the lofty character and the superiorityof the vedas. I am a Hindu and a beliver. I have a smattering knowledgeabout our religion - mostly through the English translations.I am aSudra, one who was declared unfit to have the sacred knowledge andto learn sanskrit. I have a few questions ; I don't insist on your reply.But please try to honestly answer these questions to yourself. Of coursethis needs a bit of courage.1. Do you believe in the equality of humans - not as some theoreticalideal as prescribed in Manisha Panchaka but as a everyday fact of life -the absolute equality of humans before God, that everyone is entitledto pray, to reach God, to read the sacred literature, irrespective of theirsocial status ?2. Do you believe that salvation is possible to all - Hindus, Muslims,Christians & Jews ; Brahmana, Vaishya, Kshatrya, Sudra and Panchama ?That birth and social status doesn't disqualify anyone from reaching thesupreme knowledge ?3. What are the steps that you have taken to propagate the sacredknowledge found in the Vedas ? Any Christian who can read, can readthe Bible in his own mother tongue.Have you ever tried to translatenoble portions of Vedas into Kannada, to begin with ?4. Do you believe that the sacredness of the Vedas would be lost in thetranslation ? The medieval Church believed that only the Latin Bible wassacred - even though the Bible was written originally in Hebrew - and itshould not be translated. If you believe so, what are the steps you havetaken to spread Sanskrit among us the Indians so that we can learn theVedas as they are ?5. Can you deny that for centuries this Sanskrit was not taught to Sudrasand Panchamas, even though foreigners like Alberuni (11th Century),William Jones (18th Century) and Max Mueller were allowed to learn it ?Max Mueller was able to learn the Vedas, but not the Kshatriyas, Vaisyas,Sudras or the Panchamas. Why ? Does it mean that Panchamas and Sudrasare inferior to Milechas ?We were prevented from learning Sanskrit and the Vedas, and now you askus to appreciate their wisdom.This is like asking somebody to appreciate apainting he had never seen, not even in photo, just because some scholarthinks it is the greatest painting in the world.The white races conquered the Americas,captured most of Asia, sold theAfricans into slavery,exploited them ruthlessly,exterminated the Red Indiansand the Australian natives, and impoverished India, China and numerousother countries.But even they acknowledged, at least in theory,that all menare created equal.(Please remember Purusha Sukta).6. If a Vedic dictum runs contrary to the spirit of our times, which shall prevail ?7. It had been held that while the Srutis are eternal, Smritis are subject to theeffects of time. Hence, the smritis must be revised to suit the times. What stepshave been taken in this direction ?8. What shall be the basis of our society in future - Chaturvarna -reformed andrefined, or equality as assured by our constitution ? Please do not obfuscate.The Celebrated Manu had provided a very nice escape route from the inconvenientquestions of ignorant busybodies like me. He had ruled that a Sudra (me ! ) whopresumes to teach a Brahmin (need not say who ! ) should be "shown his place".Unfortunately these Whites had overthrown the Sacred Order of our Society andstarted off thousands of Sudras like me. Under the old system (the Sacred Varna)I 'd be eking out a miserable living as an illiterate artisan and you would be contentto call it my karma, and would not educate me.The modern education had enabled me to stand up like a man, to earn a livingsuitable to my intellectual capacity, not to feel inferior or superior to anybodyand to seek the truth for myself instead of depending on a priestly class.Now,which system, do you think will get my undying loyalty and vociferous support ?Why ?The Western society is plagued by many social evils - juvenile delinquency, singleparents, violence, high divorce rates and others. But let us not presume that we canshow them the way - with our untouchability, dowry deaths, caste violence, rigidcaste system, and people who still think all men are not equal and women arecertainly inferior.The West has nothing to teach us in religion and philosophy, but we haveeverything to learn about liberty, equality and that doctrine totally alien to us,fraternity. Please do not quote - " Vasudeva Kudumbakam". The Sudras andPanchamas were not family members of that Kudumbakam, but helpless servants.I am yet to see one Hindu religious head who upholds the equality of humans,says that the smrithis must be revised, accepts that some excesses had happenedunder Chaturvarna, that untouchablity is not suitable to our times and proclaimsthat everyone is entitled to study the Vedas. When we are considered not evenhumans,why should someone care for our support ?Only some miracle had prevented a wholesale exodus of Hindu masses to Islamand Christianity. (May be the sudras felt that thir "Superiors" will follow themthere also and continue to be the "Superiors" ! This what happened to Budhismand led to its downfall). But that does not mean that every Hindu is swallowingall the half baked theories of their "Superiors".Unless and until the guardians of the old order really regret the mistakes of thepast,accept that equality shall be the basis of our future society and teach thesacred knowledge to all deserving people, more and more Indians will repudiatethe Vedas, on which the old order claimed it was based. Let charity begin athome.
May He lead us all to wisdom and enlightenment.

Om Tat Sat.

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